Some actions are so easy and obvious they may be avoided only through the exertions of determined cowardice. But since that is a resource in no small supply among mainstream conservatives, we typically have no positive movement to fear.
I’ve always considered America’s vast anti-white racial stratification apparatus as the most vivid example of this truism. Republicans have had every conceivable reason to jettison this malign and destructive program: it elevates their committed enemies at the expense of their own constituents; it costs countless billions of tax dollars to maintain; it reduces the competence and efficiency of those institutions affected; it offends the party’s alleged commitment to color-blind policies; and it is unconstitutional, not by the 14th Amendment’s cosmic elasticity, but by its plain language, which is apparently that part’s only non-binding aspect.
As an aside, I’ve noticed that the perception of time doesn’t elongate with age. We have a static block of consciousness, and each additional year just gets crammed into the same space. So as you get older, thirty years feels no different than 5 years in your youth. That’s why I was about to refer to last week’s Congressional Republican tsunami, before realizing that 1994 was 23 years ago. In any event, I have only grown more intimately formidable in the interim, which bodes ill for my wife’s physical longevity.
Though the point I was pursuing was that a great deal of political momentum had built during that antediluvian period to eradicate racial preferences in America wholesale. Republican candidates at every level were calling for its end, and democrats were retreating into mumbles. Even the Klinton Kreature signed legislation to cease a FCC tax break for “minorities” only. The handwriting was on the wall. And here’s what that writing said:
Bend over and take the betrayal, bitches.
With the entire edifice about to be obliterated, Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich halted the process until Congress could “develop a comprehensive agenda to empower the disadvantaged.” To the surprise of our readers I’m sure, a generation later that comprehensive agenda for elevating disadvantaged democrats remains just fingertips from reach.
In the meantime a Constitution that mandates abortion and homosexual marriage has nothing whatsoever to say about the establishment of a racial caste system. To be more accurate: it has been interpreted to say you can have such a system, so long as whites represent its sediment. Which is obviously why white men would carve out a country in the first place. It may have been Franklin who famously posed: What can we do to ensure our children get the least possible benefit from our blood and sweat?
Though it’s possible some sliver of light may be shining out from the office of President Kushner on this topic. Because one of his valets recently issued a signing statement that may (or may not) signal an executive turn from the program.
In signing the budget bill intended to fund leviathan through September, a nondescript White House staffer by the name of Donald Trump scrawled several qualifiers into the bill. These have historically been position statements that express how the executive branch interprets certain spending provisions in light of its own priorities and perceived constitutional prerogatives. In this instance, Trump issued statements of intent regarding marijuana, the military, the use of “czars,” and Guantanamo Bay. More importantly, he also scrawled a cryptic rider to funding initiatives for racial preferences.
Specifically, he said that he would implement those spending initiatives “in a manner consistent with the requirement to afford equal protection of the laws.”
Of course such statements are routine political parlance, which generally mean nothing more than “1 + 1 = 2 or whatever else I say it is.” But it’s surely suspicious for cringing conservatives to smell the scent of a win in the air. Because there’s no question that equal protection of the laws means equal even for the whites who pay the bills. Thus any implementation of “minority” racial preferences consistent with equal protection requirements would mean no minority preferences at all.
And if whites can’t be expected to dutifully abide by their own formal diminution, then who knows how uppity they could get. The next Republican president could even signal support for free association. That’s an exotic concept, though when you’re busy fashioning a program for comprehensive empowerment of the disadvantaged, every option goes on the table. So we are afforded some guarded hope that Donald will actually stand tall on this very significant point. Just as long as he has Jared’s car ready in five minutes.
Note: Trump’s statement cites the 5A’s rather than the 14A’s due process, for whatever it’s worth.